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Official resolution

The Political Persecution of Ekrem İmamoğlu and the Suspension of Democratic Will in Türkiye

July 2026 Black Sea Area Subcommittee
  1. Since 19 March 2025, Türkiye has entered a new and extremely dangerous phase in which
  2. the principle of the democratic rule of law has been de facto suspended. Developments
  3. since that date have clearly demonstrated that the judiciary has been stripped of its
  4. independence and transformed into a direct instrument of the political executive to
  5. eliminate political opposition.
  6. At the center of this process stands Ekrem İmamoğlu, Mayor of the Istanbul Metropolitan
  7. Municipality and presidential candidate of the Republican People’s Party (CHP). The
  8. measures taken against İmamoğlu do not constitute an ordinary judicial process directed
  9. at a politician; rather, they represent a systematic and deliberate political operation aimed
  10. at removing from political life a figure who embodies the democratic will of millions of
  11. voters.
  12. On 19 March, proceedings were initiated against Ekrem İmamoğlu with a request for
  13. detention, based on unsubstantiated allegations such as corruption and espionage and
  14. without any concrete or credible evidence. The request was publicly used as a political
  15. threat, undermining the presumption of innocence and turning the judiciary into a tool of
  16. pre-emptive punishment.
  17. Subsequently, the indictments against Ekrem İmamoğlu functioned less as legal
  18. instruments than as mechanisms of pressure. The approximately 4,000-page indictment,
  19. inflated through repetitive charges, artificial file divisions, and chained accusations,
  20. severely restricted the right to defense and transformed the judicial process itself into a
  21. form of punishment.
  22. The penalties sought against Ekrem İmamoğlu have reached a level incompatible with the
  23. most basic principles of law. Prison sentences totaling up to 2,352 years, combined with
  24. long-term political bans, clearly demonstrate a complete abandonment of the principle of
  25. proportionality in criminal law and reveal a process driven by political liquidation rather
  26. than justice.
  27. Alongside these proceedings, additional measures have been employed to exclude
  28. İmamoğlu from political life. The annulment of his university diploma, carried out through
  29. administrative means rather than a final judicial decision, constitutes a further attempt to
  30. render him ineligible for office and exemplifies the instrumentalization of legal and
  31. bureaucratic mechanisms for political ends.
  32. This case further illustrates the systematic erosion of the right to defense (jus defensionis).
  33. The prosecution of Ekrem İmamoğlu’s legal counsel through shifting and inconsistent
  34. accusations shows that even the defense itself has been targeted, as higher judicial
  35. authorities disregarded fundamental legal safeguards to legitimize unlawful actions
  36. against opposition figures.
  37. The process has expanded beyond targeting Ekrem İmamoğlu personally to systematically
  38. encompass the institutional functioning of the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality. Elected
  39. district mayors, alongside senior municipal officials and bureaucrats, have been detained
  40. and arrested together with İmamoğlu, demonstrating that the operation is not limited to an
  41. individual but targets the democratic structure of local governance as a whole.
  42. Simultaneous investigations, detentions, arrests, and administrative inquiries have
  43. disrupted decision-making, undermined institutional memory, and eroded administrative
  44. continuity. The resulting climate of uncertainty has produced widespread dysfunction,
  45. effectively transforming the judicial process into a broad intervention intended to
  46. incapacitate the democratically mandated municipal administration.
  47. On the other hand, the Chair of the CHP Youth Branches was subjected to a request for
  48. imprisonment and a travel ban based solely on a social media post concerning the
  49. prosecutor in the İmamoğlu case, on charges of “insulting a public official due to the
  50. performance of his duties” and “publicly targeting individuals involved in counterterrorism
  51. efforts.”
  52. In parallel, the Istanbul Provincial Headquarters of CHP was subjected to direct
  53. intervention. Thousands of police officers forcibly entered the party building, despite the
  54. absence of any court-appointed trustee, signaling an unprecedented use of security forces
  55. to intimidate and suppress political organization.
  56. Alongside the ongoing proceedings, new cases and convictions have been repeatedly
  57. added to Ekrem İmamoğlu’s legal file, creating cumulative pressure through successive
  58. prosecutions and sustaining public suspicion by perpetuating the impression that he has
  59. not been cleared.
  60. Crucially, these operations were carried out only days before the opposition’s primary
  61. elections and were clearly designed to obstruct Ekrem İmamoğlu’s presidential candidacy,
  62. directly interfering with the constitutional right to stand for election. The timing leaves no
  63. doubt that judicial and administrative measures were deliberately synchronized to
  64. preemptively eliminate a candidate through legal means rather than through democratic
  65. competition.
  66. Sentences imposed after 17 July have further placed even İmamoğlu’s declared
  67. presidential candidacy in uncertainty. In this way, uncertainty itself is weaponized: public
  68. doubt is kept alive, the opposition is exhausted by constant unpredictability, and the
  69. judicial process functions less as an impartial pursuit of truth than as a mechanism of
  70. punitive attrition.
  71. In this context, on 21 September 2025, CHP was forced to convene 2 extraordinary
  72. congress following an attempt to unlawfully invalidate its previous party congress, based
  73. on allegations that the decisions of so-called delegates had been manipulated. As a result,
  74. Özgür Özel was re-elected as Chair of the CHP.
  75. In parallel with judicial proceedings, Ekrem İmamoğlu’s authority has been systematically
  76. curtailed, and the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality rendered dysfunctional through
  77. constant inspections and administrative interventions. Simultaneously, intensive media
  78. smear campaigns have constructed a public perception of guilt, politicizing the judicial
  79. process from the outset.
  80. Despite these pressures, broad segments of society reject the process as illegitimate.
  81. Judicial attacks on Ekrem İmamoğlu have intensified calls for democratic change, as
  82. millions view this not as a legal matter but as an assault on their right to vote and stand for
  83. office.
  84. This persecution indicates that elections are no longer considered sufficient for a transfer
  85. of power in Türkiye. The judicial exclusion of candidates, obstruction of constitutional
  86. eligibility, disproportionate sentences, and the use of detention as intimidation pose a
  87. direct threat to democratic governance.
  88. For these reasons, what is taking place is not merely an internal matter of Türkiye; it is a
  89. shared responsibility for all who believe in democracy, the rule of law, and political
  90. pluralism.
  91. In this context, we as International Union of Socialist Youth;
  92. Demand the immediate cessation of all politically motivated investigations and
  93. trials against Ekrem İmamoğlu, the withdrawal of all detention requests, and
  94. the full depoliticization of judicial processes.
  95. Condemn the indictments spanning approximately 4,000 pages and the prison
  96. sentence demands reaching a total of up to 2,352 years as clear instruments of
  97. political pressure and intimidation that effectively abolish the right to defense.
  98. Call on all international institutions, democratic movements, governments, and
  99. political parties to closely monitor the judicial processes targeting Ekrem
  100. İmamoğlu and the use of the judiciary to eliminate opposition in Türkiye, and to
  101. adopt a clear, principled, and public stance against these developments.
  102. Demand an end to the use of the judiciary as a tool for eliminating political
  103. opposition and the full and unconditional application of the presumption of
  104. innocence.
  105. Reject all attempts to remove a democratically elected mayor, district mayors,
  106. and a presidential candidate from political life through judicial and
  107. administrative means.
  108. Call for the re-establishment of judicial independence in Türkiye and for an end
  109. to all forms of pressure and interference by the executive over the judiciary.